WEIHAIWEI was a secondary naval port inasmuch as it had no
dry dock nor workshops for heavy repairs; but for training
and administrative purposes it was so much more convenient
than Port Arthur — with its constricted area and narrow entrance
— that it was the one more used.
The port takes its name from a small walled city which lies on the western extremity of a
bay. This bay, some six miles wide and four miles deep, is
open to the north-east except in so far as it is sheltered by
Liukungtao Island which lies across its mouth. It was on this
island that the naval establishments existed — the Admiral's
offices and residence, a hospital and repairing shops for minor
works. There also were the Yamens of the Taotais — civil
administration officials — and of the General Commanding.
A little town had come into existence — shops of all kinds, one
kept by a German, and there was a foreign club to meet the
needs of the score or so of foreigners that in one way or the
other were connected with the place.
Both Liukungtao and the mainland, and also the islet Itau,
which lay in the middle of the Eastern Entrance, were strongly
fortified, this work having been done by von Hanneken a few
years before. It was all quite up to date except for two curious
omissions. The southern mainland forts were unprotected
on their inland side, from which in a war attack could be
expected, and on the island and elsewhere there was no provision for finding the range.
In the summer Weihaiwei is a delightful spot — it is a resort
of Shanghai foreign residents today — but in the winter with
blizzards from the north, when the shore was clad in snow and
fringed with frozen slush, and communication between ship
and shore was difficult, it was a very dreary place.
The country to the north and west of the city is mountainous,
then comes a sweep of beach between the city and the site of
the Southern forts situated on low cliffs with undulating land
stretching to the mountains in the south.
When I rejoined the Flagship there I was very warmly
welcomed. They thought something of the fact that the Yalu
fight had not caused me to desert them,' and Liu Poo-chin, in
spite of our past relationship, was very friendly and Ting was
charming to me.
Of the Yalu battle there were but a few disjointed incidents
to tell. In this Weihaiwei affair the case is very different.
Here I am embarrassed by the plethora of material I possess,
both in memory and in records. The Yalu battle was a single
canvas as it were; Weihaiwei was a cinematograph fluttering
for three months long. [click]
I rejoined on the 19th November, and I was now supposed
to be senior executive officer, with Li Ting-sing to help me;
but in reality it never quite came to that, though I had considerable authority. Those two months before the Japanese
attacked were very busy ones for me: re-stowing shell rooms,
gauging projectiles and finding many misfits; getting watertight doors in order; fire arrangements; cleaning the lower
deck and flats, which had become very dirty. The ship had
gone back badly since I left her at Port Arthur. Above all,
the men were out of hand; they meant to fight, of that there
was no doubt; but there was staleness between them and their
officers. They obeyed such orders as they knew were needed
for the working of the ship; there was nothing like a mutiny
and the ship's police remained effective with some curious
limitations, for certain orders were quite deliberately ignored
by the men en masse. It was a condition that could not have
existed elsewhere than in a Chinese ship.
1 — I was the only foreigner who served at both the Yalu battle and the
siege of Weihaiwei.
Li Ting-sing could not go to the flats where the men were
quartered — it would be as much as his life was worth, he quite
frankly stated; control had gradually slipped from him, and
to regain it now was impossible. My sympathies were strongly
with him; he was vastly distressed and very frank about
his difficulties.
The job I had to tackle meant failure or success. There
could be nothing in between, but I thought my chances good,
for the men were keen as mustard for a fight and they knew
their officers were not; they wanted leadership and not mere
orders. As I went down to that lower deck where the men
were disobeying orders by making tea in their little charcoal
stoves at the wrong time of the day, I think I felt a squirm of
doubt. But such fear as I had was inspiring; the thing was a
great adventure. I judged it best and safest to take no one
with me. I spoke to them in English, which many of the
Petty Officers knew from the days of Lang. ` Now up you
get on deck.' The groups squatting round their stoves looked
up with a somewhat doubtful scowling. I kicked over a stove
and sent the burning charcoal flying; kicked over three or four
of them. I grinned cheerfully at most of them and scowled at
those who showed resentment and cuffed their heads; and
all the time I emitted strings of English oaths — the only
onomatopoeic language in the world, which all can understand. After the first impact and momentary hesitation they
took it like a joke. A few stayed behind to pick up the burning
charcoal. The rest scuttled up on deck, laughing at the entertainment, where Li took charge of them.
A quite important principle was involved in this affair.
If
I had takén Li or the Master-at-Arms with me, I should have
had to deal with a crowd of one mentality in its resentment to
those two. By going alone I dealt not with a crowd, but with
an aggregate of individuals. There was no crowd hypnosis.
What little there may have formed, within the week or so that
I had been on board, would tend to be in my favour; and so
the thing came off. Thereafter discipline improved, though
it never became anything to boast about.
There remained the factor of punishments; they were
vindictive. Delinquents were slashed on the shoulders by
swords or flogged so that one out of three died, and apart
from other considerations these people, plus the crowd of
malingerers — whom the Chinese doctors could not deal with —
overflowed the sick-bay. I discussed the thing with Li;
the sword slashing and the barbarous flogging had to be
stopped; for otherwise I could not stay. Li and the Commodore agreed. Flogging was retained with greatly limited
strokes and so as not to disable the men for more than a
day or two, and the main punishment now adopted with
my concurrence was that of chain-kneeling. Small chain was
flaked on deck, the wretched culprit had to kneel on it and,
if he squatted on his heels, the sentry pricked him with his
bayonet in the tail. Half an hour of it was ample; it inflicted
pain but not an injury.
The next problem was that of the large number of malingerers — a difficult proposition, for even a doctor may be in doubt
about such cases. The solution of the problem was my own.
I had them fallen in on deck, sent for a bucket of engine-room
castor-oil — the most nauseating stuff imaginable — and forced
each man to drink a half-tumbler of it. It was not that they
would not drink this awful stuff, they simply could not; so
it was administered as one gives medicine to a dog. Two days
later the sick-bay was nearly empty.
With Li Ting-sing supporting me and on good terms with
the Commodore, I had no trouble with the officers, with one
solitary exception. I sent for a Lieutenant and he did not
come, and on being sent for again, he came and was insolent.
The matter was reported to the Admiral, who expressed great
regret and said he would consider what should be done. Then
he sent for me and asked what I advised. I recommended the
full penalty of war time — death. Again he sent for me and
in effect he said: ` I made a mistake in asking your opinion;
it would not be right for you to be both accuser and the judge;
in such a case there can be nothing between death and an
apology. Will you be satisfied with the latter in a public
form ? ' Thus that dear old man who tried so hard to do his
duty. Of course I gladly acquiesced. In later years I had
considerable dealings with that officer, but we never spoke
of Weihaiwei.
On the 20th January the Japanese landed at the N.E.
Promontory some forty miles from Weihaiwei; but it was
not until the 30th that they actually attacked us. I had
always assumed that they would attack, but I had come to
hope that they might not do so. There were no grounds for
this hope, only a cause: I now knew with certainty that the
forts on the mainland would not fight. They would be
evacuated without a blow; and then, unless they were first
destroyed, their heavy guns would be used against us. So I
urged provision for the destruction of guns and magazines
when evacuation took place. There was much opposition to
this scheme, but eventually Ting agreed and placed the matter
in my hands. Soon after, however, I undertook night patrol
duty and handed over demolition work to Howie the American.
With him were gunners Thomas and Walpole, Lieutenant
Choo and some warrant officers and men. They did the work
at a great risk, for on more than one occasion they were nearly
murdered by the soldiers. Let us look ahead and see what
happened as to this. The forts were evacuated one by one
without a blow, but when the demolition party entered they
found the wires cut and the batteries broken. There were
traitors in those forts. I had anticipated it, and to Li, a Ting
Yuen's gunner, who was the first to volunteer for demolition
work, I explained the likelihood of treachery and the need to
guard against it. ` You no wanchee fear. S'pose cuttee wire,
I no savey what thing do for gun. But magazine b'long easy.
I usee joss stick.' This means: ` You need not fear I won't
do my job. If traitors cut the electric wires to the charges in
the guns I don't know what I shall be able to do about that;
but about the magazine the thing is easy. I'll fire it with a
joss stick.' But he did not; he fired it with the flash from a
pistol; and there you have the real Chinese in the raw.
Howie was a man of extraordinary daring. The rest of us,
I think, took risks because self-respect demanded that we
should. Howie took them because he liked them. He had
arrived at Weihaiwei with an American inventor of a scheme
to destroy our opponents' vessels. A gunboat fitted like a
watering cart was to sprinkle a special chemical on the surface
of the sea; the enemy was somehow to be inveigled into
coming on the treated area, and with the detonation of the film
their ships would be destroyed. The stock of chemical for
this mad scheme was burnt in Chefoo harbour, and doubtless
at the instance of the Japanese. So that was the end of that
affair; but Howie begged to stay and help in any way he could,
and without pay.
When the Japanese landed at the Promontory, there was an
exodus of those Chinese who considered they were entitled to
leave. Among these, curiously enough, were the doctors,
dressers and the rest of the hospital staff. Their argument
was this: they were under the Taotai, the civil official, not
under the General or the Admiral; they were civil servants.
Had it been intended that they should be militant, other
administrative arrangements would have been provided.
Apparently no attempt was made to keep them.
Ting held a council of his Captains — I was never invited
to these — and it was decided not to attempt to interfere with
the enemy landing. The fleet was to be kept to defend the
harbour. There were some reasons, of course, for this decision.
The battleship Chen Yuen
had some time before struck a rock
and holed herself. The damage was merely patched by divers;
we had no dock; she was not considered seaworthy. Of
other vessels only Ting Yuen, Ching Yuen, Tsi Yuen and Lai
Yuen could be called effective, and we had three small torpedo
boats. These alone, well handled, should have been able to
inflict serious damage among the transports, whatever might
be the covering enemy fleet; but they would certainly be
destroyed — except perhaps the Ting Yuen; and Weihaiwei
would merely fall the quicker for the deed. Then there was
the question of the future. The war was already lost; China
would have had her drastic lesson; there was a central government in those days, and the authority of the vermilion pencil
ran throughout the length of the great land. Surely the
foundations of another fleet would be laid at once; but if all
the officers were now killed there would be no nucleus for it.
That was a reason of some potency; but all these reasons —
good or bad — were but covering excuses. The fact is we did
not want to fight. Even the desperate Howie did not urge
the thing on me.
It is, however, recorded in my diary that I thought we ought
to do it. I think if I had been responsible I should have felt
the obligation. It would, if well done — a very doubtful if —
have provided a minor epic that might prove more useful to the
country, in the end, than that nucleus of officers. But I was
not responsible; I was not called in council. Yet, had I
wished, I could have got a hearing and pressed the matter.
But I did not. Not only so; I heaved a sigh of relief when I
heard we were going to funk it in the harbour; but as a set off
against that confession let it be said that Howie and I with the
four British bluejacket gunners at our back were prepared for
any reasonable adventure that we controlled ourselves. We
had a shot at two and failed — as will be told. All this about
what we might have done but did not has no historic interest.
The Yalu made history; Weihaiwei did not. I give the story
merely as a human document.
Events moved quickly and were recorded fully in my diary,
daily and even hourly; but yet, as already stated, there are
curious hiatuses — the leaving out of all personal experiences
which were not factors in the issue. The mutiny of the Ting
Yuen is but faintly touched upon; once I nearly had my head
cut off, but I can barely trace the date of that affair. There is a
third adventure of which not one word is entered; but searching the recesses of my memory I find an explanation. The
venture was a failure; there was more than annoyance in the
matter; there was shame of sorts. I had got the Admiral's
authority for independent action and had made a mess of it,
so I threw it from my mind and made no entry of it. The
episode was this: — When the council decided that the fleet
should not go out, Howie and I talked the matter over. We
thought something should be done to mark the event. There
were three torpedo boats in order. If we each took one and
put an English gunner in the other, we might have a shot at
doing something with those transports. I put the thing to the
Admiral and he, of course, agreed. The idea was that I should
lead; if I attacked, the other two would do the same; if I
concluded it was not good enough, we should all turn back.
Signals were arranged for these two possibilities and our speed
was fixed. So we started; Gunner Mellows, I think, being
in the third boat. Of course we had no lights, and the night
was very dark. It was near the Promontory that I Iost touch
with my next-astern with Howie in her; there may have been
a mist; presumably I signalled, and eventually slowed down.
My memory is blank about these things. I only know that
after a time I gave it up and turned back for Weihaiwei. One
of our boats arrived before me, the other later; we had all lost
touch of one another. So that was that, and I made no entry
of it in my diary, which is significant of how I felt about it.